The Shriver Brief : Poverty Law Commentary & Insights : Sargent Shriver National Center on Poverty Law : Affordable Housing, Healthcare Reform

This fall Congress will be considering whether to extend the Bush Administration tax cuts for families earning more than $250,000 that are scheduled to expire this year. Proponents of extending these tax cuts for the wealthy argue that allowing the tax cuts to expire will place an enormous strain on the economy and result in higher unemployment.

The non-partisan Congressional Budget Office (CBO) has evaluated this claim and come to the conclusion that it is without merit. To the contrary, extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy will do far less to grow the economy and produce jobs than any alternative use of these funds.

Extending the Bush tax cuts would reduce the government’s revenues by approximately $40 billion in 2011. The CBO compared this tax expenditure with ten other potential uses for this money, including such things as extending unemployment insurance benefits, providing a jobs tax credit, or giving fiscal relief to the states. The CBO found that, at the same cost as extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy:

• A temporary jobs tax credit that reduced a firm’s payroll taxes on new hires would generate three times more economic growth and create four to six times more jobs.
  
• State fiscal relief would generate three to four times more economic growth and create two to three times more jobs.
  
• Extending unemployment insurance benefits, such as the extension approved by Congress last week, would generate five times more economic growth and four to six times more jobs.
  

Why do all of these alternatives spur so much more economic growth and create so many more jobs than extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy? The answer is simple. When the economy is weak, spending is needed to stimulate it. But wealthy people, given an extra dollar in income, are much more likely to save it instead of spending it. This simple principle explains why extending the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy is the worst alternative available if the goal is to stimulate the economy and create jobs.

In the long term, after the current economic crisis has passed, the revenue from allowing the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy to expire should be dedicated to reducing our nation’s unsustainable budget deficit. This would be only fitting since the mammoth loss of revenue resulting from the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy is what created the deficit mess in the first place.

This blog is based on Marr, “Letting High-Income Tax Cuts Expire is Proper Response to Nation’s Short- and Long-Term Challenges,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, July 26, 2010.


 

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Yesterday, Governor Quinn signed into law the bills that amount to the Illinois state budget for fiscal year 2011. These are the bills the General Assembly sent him, together with roughly half of the money needed to pay for them. The Governor made some alterations and revealed a host of decisions around the funding for agencies and programs. The budget includes cuts of over $240 million for elementary and secondary education, $100 million for higher education, and $312 million for human services. Ninety percent of Illinois general fund spending is aimed at education, health care, human services, and public safety. It follows that those are the vital things being cut, like it or not.

Governor Quinn and his Administration made it clear that they are not happy with these cuts, necessitated by the failure of the General Assembly to produce sufficient revenue to responsibly fund the government. The Governor himself has repeatedly explained the need for and expressed support for the significant new revenues needed to sustain Illinois financially. He has been criticized for failing to engineer support for those revenues from the General Assembly, but he at least was clear about the need and his own position. 

Interest groups, representatives of needy populations, and others will be making specific points about the decisions and priorities in the Governor’s actions to implement this budget. Those are important debates and worth close attention. Yet they have the feel of a desperate squabble over scraps. 

Most of the cuts in this budget are harmful and unwise. They are not driven by policy considerations or evidence-based program evaluations, but by the brutal calculus of the state’s fiscal default. These are the kinds of sorry, no-win decisions that must be made when the Legislature hands the Governor a budget with a shortfall that is HALF of the needed money. The truth is that the budget does not contain the resources to ensure that the items not being cut will in fact be paid for. Some will, some will not. All will have to wait far too long. 

The bigger picture here is that the crisis cries out for responsible leadership and a comprehensive solution that includes adequate new revenues. An election season is not the time to hide from responsibility, take shelter behind a self-justifying poll (“my poll says my constituents do not want to pay higher taxes”), or blithely assert with no specifics that there is a magic way the crisis can be solved without new revenues. It is the time to tell the truth, to teach the constituency what is needed to solve a historic crisis, and then to lead the effort to win it. Illinois voters are capable of adult decisions--nobody wants to pay higher taxes, but most will understand the need. A comprehensive solution is one that puts in place the revenue infrastructure to navigate through the crisis over at least two years. A comprehensive solution will include pain--we have that part already--but it must also avoid making unwise and harmful cuts to essential services. And it must have adequate new revenues to back up strategic borrowing that is also needed to get through the crisis.

For now, we have the embarrassing and sad spectacle of the distribution of scraps and the dismantling of important policies and programs by default. Illinois needs a responsible budget that stops cutting vital programs, meets the state’s needs, keeps the state’s promises, and pays the state’s bills.   

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A Republican filibuster has prevented the Senate from voting on its version of jobs legislation. The cloture motion (to end the filibuster) got 57 votes last week, but it needed 60 to pass. A clear minority of the Senate has, at least for now, successfully said “no” to recession relief for jobless people and budget relief for states. As a result:

Eighty-thousand unemployed workers in Illinois won’t receive unemployment insurance (UI) benefits. They will not be spending those benefits, as they always do, in stores and businesses close to home. Thus there will be no boost for the local economy or help for local businesses to avoid layoffs. More than 2 million people nationwide will lose these benefits if Congress fails to act before leaving for the July 4 recess.

Illinois won’t receive $545 million in desperately needed federal assistance in the coming year, which had been assumed as part of the revenue available to the state in the recently passed budget. This creates the immediate threat of even deeper spending cuts than we’ve already endured. Those cuts also cause private- and public-sector job losses and raise the risk of a double-dip recession as the loss of spending power ripples through the economy. Without more federal aid, state budget-cutting actions nationwide could cost the economy 900,000 jobs in the public and private sectors next year.

Illinois will have to end prematurely its Put Illinois to Work program. This is funded by the TANF Emergency Fund, which would have been extended by the bill the Senate could not vote on. It has already created 22,000 jobs in Illinois through September 2010 and would have created more had it been extended.

Congress should not leave for the July 4 holiday until it extends unemployment benefits, provides additional funding to states, and extends TANF funding for emergency jobs programs. 

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The General Assembly stands adjourned, for now, as legislators took the half-baked state budget pie out of the oven before it could finish cooking so they could rush off to appear at the Memorial Day weekend parades. 

Heading the list of unfinished business is the failure to provide for paying off the state’s $3.7 billion fiscal year 2011 pension obligation. The Governor had sought authority to borrow these funds, as Illinois did last year, but the General Assembly declined his request. 

Since borrowing authorization requires a 3/5 majority, at least one Republican vote was needed in the House. Two retiring Republicans voted in favor and one Democrat voted against, so the pension borrowing measure cleared the House by the narrowest of margins. In the Senate, however, where no Republican votes were needed (and none were forthcoming), two Democrats blocked approval of the pension borrowing authority on the grounds that it would simply aggravate our fiscal problems without being part of a plan, including a revenue increase, to actually solve our fiscal mess.

So where does the General Assembly’s decision not to approve borrowing authority to cover the FY11 pension obligation leave us? The budget approved by the General Assembly assumes that $6 billion in outstanding bills will be unpaid at the end of FY11. If FY11’s pension payment cannot be borrowed, then another $3.7 billion must be added to the $6 billion in unpaid bills that the budget is predicated on, making the grant total of unpaid bills at the end of FY11 $9.7 billion. Or, the pension funds could cannibalize themselves, selling off investments to meet current obligations and thus dramatically lowering future investment income. Given these unpalatable options, the Senate’s leadership may continue trying to find the one vote needed to approve borrowing $3.7 billion to cover the FY11 pension payment.

The fiscal year 2011 budget passed by the General Assembly (H.B. 859) resembles last year’s. Rather than making line-by-line appropriations as in the past, and as the Governor had proposed, the General Assembly continued last year’s practice of providing lump-sums to the agencies and leaving it to the Governor to decide which programs to fund and which programs to cut. The overall amount appropriated for grants remained about the same as last year but the appropriation for state operations was cut by 5 percent. The Governor was again given $3.2 billion in unallocated funds to spread around as he sees fit. Different state agencies fared differently – the Illinois Department of Human Services, for example, was appropriated only $2.5 billion, $1.5 billion less than its current appropriation of $4 billion, although the Governor can use the $3.2 billion in unallocated funds to cover some or all of this gap.

The General Assembly also passed an Emergency Budget Act, which gives the Governor sweeping powers to make cuts without legislative review (S.B. 3660, House Amdt. 9). It allows him to put more than $2 billion into a contingency reserve that could not be spent by the agencies. It also makes all state programs, whether authorized or required by state law, “subject to appropriation,” i.e., not operational unless supported by an appropriation that is not otherwise obligated or reserved. These emergency powers expire on January 9, 2011, at the end of Governor Quinn’s term.

While abdicating responsibility for making unpopular budget cuts, the General Assembly again avoided consideration of the only viable alternative for solving our budget mess – raising revenue, as the Responsible Budget Coalition has advocated, along the lines of House Bill 174, which would increase the individual income tax rate from 3 to 5 percent and broaden the sales tax base to include services, raising approximately $6 billion in annual revenues. The General Assembly also chose not to capture $320 million in annual revenue from a proposed cigarette tax increase. The General Assembly did approve a tax amnesty plan whereby tax cheats can pay off their debts without penalty, which is estimated to raise $250 million (S.B. 377, H. Amdt. 3). The legislators threw $50 million of this back by approving a “sales tax holiday” for back-to-school purchases in August.

The budget also relies on various one-time revenue sources, including $1.2 billion obtained by borrowing against the proceeds from the remaining 17 years of a tobacco settlement fund.

As the Illinois General Assembly was wrapping up last week, word came that the U.S. House of Representatives had stripped the enhanced Federal Medical Assistance Percentage (FMAP) six-month extension from the unemployment insurance extension package, considered the best vehicle for its enactment. Unless restored by the Senate and agreed to by the House-Senate conferees, or included in a different legislative package, this continuation of ARRA federal fiscal relief to the states will come to an end, blowing another $700 million hole in the FY11 state budget.

In sum, regardless of whether borrowing to pay this year’s pension tab is approved, the state will continue to lack the revenues to pay its bills. By the time this fiscal year comes to a close at the end of June, Illinois will have racked up $6 billion in unpaid bills. The budget proposed by the Governor and approved by the General Assembly assumes there will still be $6 billion in unpaid bills at the end of the next fiscal year in June 2011. Nobody believes that this number will not grow. While the Governor will make some visible cuts to programs, far more insidious and lethal will be the state’s continuing and expanding practice of not paying its bills. State-funded providers of services to young children, the elderly and disabled, the homebound, the developmentally disabled, the mentally ill, those addicted to alcohol and controlled substances and so on will not have the plug pulled on them all at once. Rather, they will die a slow and agonizing death as month by month the state’s payment for services rendered does not arrive and, one by one, they are forced to give up the ghost.   

List of Enacted State Budget-Related Legislation:

• Senate Bill 3660 – House Amendments 1, 9, 12, 14, 17, 18, 19 ( Emergency Budget Act in amendment 9)
  
• House Bill 859 –Senate Amendments 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8 – FY11 state budget
  
• Senate Bill 3662 – House Amendments 1, 3 – FY11 state budget implementation act
  
• Senate Bill 1215 – House Amendments 2, 3 – budget trailer bill (technical fixes)
  
• Senate Bill 377 – House Amendments 1, 3, 6 -- tax amnesty
  

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The General Assembly recessed on their planned adjournment date of May 7, having failed to enact a state budget for fiscal year 2011. May 7 was an artificial deadline. The real deadline is May 31, after which bills may not take effect before January 1, 2011 unless they pass by a 3/5 majority, which would require there to be Republican votes  to pass a budget bill. May 7 may have served a useful purpose for Senate President Cullerton and House Speaker Madigan, however, since it allowed them to determine exactly where the fault lines lie and determine what they must do to get a budget enacted before the May 31 deadline.

The failure of the General Assembly to agree on a budget is a temporary victory for the Responsible Budget Coalition since the only budgets that were on the table on May 7 were fiscally irresponsible and would have inflicted severe pain on our most vulnerable state residents. The House resoundingly rejected both proposed budgets – one that would have required massive cuts in services and the other that would have resulted in massive borrowing. Speaker Madigan did not allow a vote on the other option – raising revenue.   

In the waning days of the session before the May 7 recess, the General Assembly also gave serious consideration to enacting an Emergency Budget Act. The proponents apparently believed that putting all responsibility for budget cuts on the Governor would allow them to escape detection when the residents of Illinois dust for fingerprints on the elimination of services to the mentally ill, developmentally disabled, homebound elderly, infants and toddlers, and so on. The Emergency Budget Act would allow the Governor to implement emergency rules to cut programs, make all state programs “subject to appropriation” and thus optional instead of mandatory, and establish contingency reserves that could be used to eliminate budgeted state programs. In short, the Emergency Budget Act would give the Governor unilateral power to cut spending and eliminate programs as he sees fit, without legislative review.

Governor Quinn would exercise these extraordinary powers for the first six months of the fiscal year that begins on July 1. If Quinn were to lose the November election – and all the polls show him trailing -- then the power to eliminate any and all state programs would fall into the hands of Senator Bill Brady for six months until the emergency powers expire on July 1, 2011.  Brady has proposed cutting taxes by $1 billion in the face of Illinois’ $13 billion revenue shortfall, a position so extreme that it’s not even embraced by the radical free market Illinois Policy Institute.

So how do you close a $13 billion budget shortfall?  Here’s what the General Assembly was considering:

That's right--$4 out of every $5 used to "balance" the state budget would be either borrowed or obtained by not paying our bills.

Last week's action shows that the messages of the Responsible Budget Coalition are penetrating. There is growing momentum to find a real solution to our fiscal crisis and not simply to postpone the problem and, in the meantime, make it worse. Slowly the conventional wisdom that revenue increases are not possible during an election year is being whittled away. The game is far from over though and advocates for a responsible budget that raises the revenue needed to begin to dig us out of our deficit hole still face an uphill climb. Nor is there any sign that the leadership of the General Assembly is willing to seriously entertain a proposal to significantly increase state revenues. In the meantime, there will also be great pressure on the budget holdouts to end their resistance to the enactment of a bad budget. It's still all hands on deck for a responsible budget.

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The Los Angeles Times recently posted an oddly inviting “state budget balancer" that allows you to have a go at balancing California’s $26 billion budget deficit by clicking on services to cut or items to tax. The “deficit meter” keeps track of how well you’ve done at solving the state’s massive budget shortfall at each click. Other states and cities have these online budget balancing tools as well—for example, in New Jersey, there’s the “You Be the Governor” challenge; for a crack at the federal deficit, see the American Public Media’s flashy “Budget Hero”.

Of course, the consequences of states’ fiscal distress are more complex and varied than these simplistic tools reflect. Among the consequences is an increase in demand for help from legal aid programs when people lose access to vital services (such as those available for “cutting” in the “deficit meter”).

Budget-related advocacy is underway across the country to help those affected by fiscal cuts. For example, the California Budget Project has reported on “Assessing the Impact: How Proposed State Budget Cuts Would Affect Women in California and What You Can Do to Help.” In Illinois, the Responsible Budget Coalition has an ongoing campaign to “Save Our State”; the Shriver Center is an active member of the coalition. And, in the District of Columbia, the Legal Aid Society is urging an equitable approach to the District's fiscal crisis.

What can legal aid do about state budget cutbacks? This is one of the article topics suggested by a participant in an April 20th conference call sponsored by Clearinghouse Review: Journal of Poverty Law and Policy, a publication of the Shriver Center. Fifteen attorneys from eleven states offered ideas ranging from health care reform to obligor defenses in child support enforcement to medical-legal partnerships.

Which of these topics would you most like to see covered in an upcoming issue of Clearinghouse Review? Vote now in a new two-question survey. Or post your additional suggestions on the Shriver Center’s Facebook discussion page—we value your input!
 

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“Act like leaders, not like fools,

Save our services, save our schools!”

So chanted 15,000 people gathered in front of the State Capitol on Wednesday, in the largest Springfield rally ever. The  demonstrators demanded that the General Assembly not return to their home districts on May 7 as scheduled, or at any other time, until they have enacted a responsible budget that raises the revenue needed to avoid the human catastrophe facing  Illinois in the form of draconian state budget cuts.

Reasonable minds do not disagree: a substantial increase in the state’s revenues is an indispensable piece of the fiscal puzzle if our state is to avoid financial collapse. Earlier this year, the Civic Federation, the voice of Chicago’s business community for over 100 years, released its report on the state’s fiscal crisis and called for an $8 billion tax increase, saying:

We do not enjoy advocating a significant tax increase in the middle of a difficult recession. However, continuing to do nothing would be by far a worse option.   

In jeopardy unless there is a revenue increase are programs that provide vital services to people in need – seniors, the disabled, low-income single parents, people with drug addictions or suffering from mental illness, children at risk of academic failure, adults with developmental disabilities. These same programs provide jobs for teachers, home health care workers, substance abuse and mental health counselors, child care workers, persons who work with adults with developmental disabilities, and others. 

Those who say that raising taxes will cost Illinois jobs are wrong.  The truth is that our continuing failure to raise the revenue needed to pay our bills will result in a devastating loss of the jobs described above as well as those of police, firefighters, and others. 

And let’s consider the private sector. The belief that businesses make decisions on where to locate based solely on tax rates is demonstrably wrong. Does anyone really believe that a crumbling infrastructure and an educational system in shambles create a favorable business climate?

Those who say we over-spend and over-tax have their facts wrong. The facts are that Illinois’ three percent state income tax rate is the lowest of all 41 states that have a state income tax, and Illinois is 43^rd in the country in general funds spending as a percent of the state’s gross domestic product.

Nobody likes to pay higher taxes. Nothing is politically easier than to say, “I didn’t raise your taxes.” But we cannot afford to remain on the path of expediency.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt said: “Taxes are the dues that we pay for the privileges of membership in an organized society.”

Oliver Wendell Holmes put it even more succinctly: “Taxes buy civilization.”

We’re not going to climb out of our $13 billion hole in one year, but we can’t wait to start.

“Show some guts,

Stop the cuts!”

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The Census Bureau’s new TV ads say: “10 Questions, 10 Minutes, 10 Years.” All it really needs to say is $100 million. That’s how much it was estimated that Cook County lost in Federal funding over the 2002-2012 period due to undercounting in the Census. Illinois as a whole lost $193 million due to undercounting. That is because the data from the Census is the basis for the nationwide distribution of $400 billion in federal money for a multitude of programs. If state populations aren’t counted correctly, money can’t be distributed correctly.

While $200 million won’t solve the $11 billion state budget gap, at this point Illinois can use all the extra help it can get. And to get it, all the government wants from you is ten minutes of your time. Ten minutes to fill the out Census, and send it in. That’s it. That’s a lot of money for such a short time.

Data from the Census is also used to determine the allocation of Congressional seats, the development of public policy, and to ensure that districts are fairly drawn within states. It determines how many schools, hospitals, teachers, firemen and police we need. If you want more of a political say, complete the Census form. By filling out the Census, we increase our chances of having all the programs and services people count on. 

It won’t cover all of Illinois’ costs, but its $200 million we don’t have otherwise. Make sure Illinois and your community gets all that they deserve. Fill out the Census and send it in.  It’s worth at least $200 million.
 

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Gov. Quinn made a grim budget request today. His proposed budget includes $2.2 billion in spending cuts and again relies heavily on borrowing ($4.7 million) and not paying the state's bills ($6.3 billion).  $1.3 billion of the spending cuts would be in the area of education with a 17 percent across-the-board cut.

As an alternative to cutting education spending by $1.3 billion—unimaginable in an election year—Gov. Quinn proposed increasing the individual income tax rate by one percent of income, from three to four percent. The $3 billion in proceeds from this increase would all go to education—$1.3 billion to eliminate the proposed cut and $1.7 billion to pay back bills.

Gov. Quinn has not proposed any means to avoid the $900 million in spending cuts he proposes to non-education programs. 

Equally disappointing, Gov. Quinn's proposed budget includes no long-term plan for eliminating the state's $13 billion revenue shortfall and getting out of our fiscal mess. Rather, it appears to be a "take what you think you can get" budget built on diminished expectations of what can be accomplished in an election year.

All of which means big cuts in services to some of our most vulnerable populations. For example, mental health services will be cut by over $50 million. The Illinois Department of Human Services estimates that as a result, 70,000 people, including 4,200 children, will lose their mental health services; 4,000 mentally ill people will have to leave their state-subsidized housing; 3,800 mental health jobs will be lost; as many as 87 mental health agencies may close; and persons not eligible for Medicaid, such as the formerly incarcerated, will be unable to access mental health services.

The Governor's proposed budget now goes to the General Assembly. 

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There is something almost purely ideological about opposition to the revenue reforms that knowledgeable analysts agree Illinois needs right now – not only to escape its fiscal crisis but to make its tax system more fair and sustainable.

I suppose ideological biases are fair enough among some anti-government zealots and politicians who hope to use them and lead them.  But somehow one would hope for a more balanced and dispassionate approach from mainstream media, such as the Chicago Tribune.

It can only be ideology that justifies the anti-tax position by reference to taxpayers “already devastated by the recession.”  In fact, under leading revenue-reform plans, many lower- and moderate-income households would pay no increased income tax or a modest increase; the lowest-income households would pay less. 

But for those who’d pay a few dollars more per paycheck in income tax – is that more weighty than maintaining state-assisted care for their elderly relatives, safe roads and bridges, schools with a full complement of teachers and educational programs, or the public health programs that protect us from epidemics?

This crisis demands a balanced approach that includes significant new revenues raised in a fair way. Polling and history show that, while nobody likes to pay higher taxes, people appreciate honest leadership in a crisis and understand and support a balanced approach.  We already are suffering from severe cuts; we are already borrowing; we will continue to seek as much help as possible from the federal government. But those measures are not enough. We need significant, new revenue to complete the balance and navigate out of the crisis with a sounder future in store.

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Earlier this week President Obama announced his budget proposal for the coming year. These are precarious times with conflicting demands. Most economists agree that more government spending is needed to help speed the end of the recession and bring down unemployment. But there is also mounting concern that that federal deficit is getting too large, which weighs against added longer term spending. The President’s proposal walks the tightrope between these concerns and promotes both the short term “jobs” goal and the longer term deficit-reduction goal.  It contains important policy and spending priorities and deserves support.

Help for states and working families

The President proposes to extend the life of crucial enhanced payments to states under Medicaid, the state fiscal stabilization program, and the TANF Emergency Contingency funds. These three funding streams created by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) stimulus law have helped states patch their budgets, save and create jobs, and protect health coverage. It is important that as much of this relief as possible be included in the immediate “jobs” proposal (some call it a “second stimulus”) being debated for passage in Congress in the next weeks, rather than waiting for the next federal fiscal year.

Improve revenues overall while protecting middle-class tax relief

The budget proposal allows the Bush-era tax credits for the wealthy to expire as scheduled, and it closes a number of tax loopholes. It also makes permanent the improved middle-class tax relief that was put in place by ARRA through the Earned Income Tax Credit, Child Tax Credit, and the American Opportunity Tax Credit.

Targeted discretionary spending freeze, but program increases

The discretionary spending freeze got the most press. It is a “global” freeze, in that the overall number is frozen, but within that number there are important priorities. Some programs actually get increases, while less effective programs will be cut. Child care would get a $1.6 billion per year increase. Housing Choice vouchers (Section 8) would get a $1.3 billion increase, enough to fully fund renewal of all 2.1 million current vouchers. Pell Grants would increase by over $7 billion and would be taken out of the “discretionary” category altogether.  And Head Start would increase by $1 billion.

Assumes passage of health reform

By making financial decisions that assume that health reform measures are in place, the budget proposal corroborates the frequent statements of the President and others that the Administration intends to complete the health care reform process.

The budget proposal walks the difficult line between short-term stimulus and long-term deficit reduction, while setting important priorities for low- and middle-income working families. 

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Medicaid is a vital safety net for Illinois residents who cannot afford increasingly expensive private health insurance and fills the gap in employer-provided insurance for the growing ranks of the unemployed and their families. But a recent report by Heather O’Donnell, of the Center for Tax and Budget Accountability (CTBA), Medicaid Plays a Critical Role in Illinois’ Economy, reveals the tremendous additional impact that Medicaid dollars have in bolstering our economy. The report shows that Medicaid not only provided health care coverage to 2.6 million Illinoisans (over half of whom were children) in 2008, it also supported “wages, employment, business income, consumer spending, state tax revenue, and overall economic output.”

The Medicaid program is financed by both the state and federal government. In fiscal year 2008, 53% of the total funding for Medicaid came from the federal government. Under the federal American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), states receive increased federal funding through December 2010 to help during the recession. The CTBA report explains that, with this enhanced federal share, if Illinois cuts Medicaid spending by $10 million, it will actually lose $16.2 million in federal matching funds.  

But that would only be the beginning of the impact of such a cut. Medicaid spending reimburses health care providers, and then providers pay employees’ wages. The employees then purchase goods and services in the local economy. According to the CTBA report, Illinois’s 2009 state and federal Medicaid spending resulted in approximately $46 billion in additional business activity and supported about 385,742 jobs. This would mean that a cut of just $10 million in state Medicaid spending would result in an estimated loss of more than $80.4 million in business activity and $27.6 million in lost wages across Illinois.  

This positive ripple effect of Medicaid spending means cuts to Medicaid programs would hurt the Illinois economy, increase unemployment, and prolong the recession. Cuts to Medicaid would not only deprive people of health coverage and health care, but also exacerbate the financial strain felt by businesses and workers and cause Illinois’ economy to further deteriorate. 

 

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When newly-installed Governor Quinn gave his budget address March 18, 2009, he put forth the case for a combination of budget cuts and tax increases necessary for the indebted state of Illinois to get through this devastating recession. Although he pushed this message throughout the legislative session and the Senate approved a substantial tax hike, in the end the budget signed into law on July 15 relies instead on borrowing and harsh cuts to essential services in Illinois.

In a year of many notorious firsts within Illinois politics, this year’s budget is unprecedented in many ways. It relies tremendously on borrowing, jeopardizing the state’s credit-worthiness and resulting in a massive projected deficit of $10 billion for next year. It grants the Governor unheard of discretion by appropriating lump sum amounts to agencies under his control and leaving up to him the decision as to which programs to cut, rather than providing line-by-line programmatic spending authority as in past years, in an attempt to push the blame for the required cuts onto him. To the devastation of the state’s most vulnerable, it makes deep cuts in many programs on which thousands of residents rely.

The full impact of this year’s budget will not be realized until the Governor and his agencies make the tough decisions the legislature chose not to make, deciding which programs will be fully funded, which will be cut, and which will be eliminated. But the ultimate impact of this budget will continue to be felt for years, as the state will cope with addictions that could have been treated, violence and homelessness that could have been prevented, and increased expenses from seniors forced into nursing homes.

Before this budget was even signed into law, the uncertainty caused by the failure to adopt a new budget before the start of the state’s fiscal year and the massive cuts being proposed led to hundreds of social service providers being laid off and thousands of Illinois residents in need of assistance being turned away. Since the adopted budget funds social services at about 85% of the Governor’s requested budget, which already contained cuts, more layoffs will occur and additional services will be cut. But the fight is not yet over. With continued advocacy by the thousands who have written letters, called legislators, attended rallies, and struggled to make their voices heard, the legislature will return in January to renewed cries for the tax increase the state so desperately needs. Perhaps then, when the cuts are real and the legislators see the suffering their cowardice created, they will step up and meet the needs of the people and state they supposedly serve.

To read the Shriver Center's complete analysis of  the Illinois State budget, click here.  

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The Illinois General Assembly meets this week to attempt to resolve the budget.  Failure carries with it incalculable costs that prolong the recession and hit every legislative district. 

The impending cuts directly impact hundreds of thousands of children, seniors, people who are sick and hurt, the unemployed, and workers.  The costs to them are staggering, but there are other costs:

• The state will get sued repeatedly.  Some of the cuts would violate federal or state laws.  Some would violate existing court orders and consent decrees.  The Attorney General’s office must defend all these cases, but it has its own shrunken budget and would be swamped.
•  Proposed cuts violate the condition in the federal stimulus law that states not cut Medicaid.  This will cost us billions in federal stimulus funds.    
• The state would also lose massive sums of federal matching funds and block grant dollars across a range of programs.
• These lost federal funds come out of the Illinois economy – it is money not spent on goods and services in our state.
• The Department of Human Services estimates that the cuts to its budget would cause a loss of 170,000 jobs outside of state government.  These are entrepreneurs, independent caregivers, and employees of non-profit or for-profit businesses that provide or support the programs in various ways.
• Legislators have spent their careers building important programs that will be gutted or eliminated by this process.  Time, talent, and hard-won accomplishment would be wasted. 

The General Assembly’s budget would prolong the recession and hurt the state, not just those who need the programs.  We need to fund the government and not bring about all of the above incalculable costs.

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